Source

Fresno Public Schools, Annual Report, (Fresno, California, 1916), 39.

 

Analysis

 

Until now, documents selected for inclusion on this website have been chosen primarily for their historical significance. However, this document, published by the Fresno (CA) public schools in 1916, has been included as much for its historiographical as its historic importance.

 

First, with respect to its historical relevance to the development of the public junior college, this single page excerpt from an approximately 50 page report describing the various departments operating as part of the Fresno city schools in 1916, is notable on two grounds. In toto, it confirms that a local decision to establish a collegiate division, upward extension program, or junior college (prior to 1930, public school districts had yet to achieve a general consensus as to the proper nomenclature for departments offering courses beyond the 12th grade) required, as a necessary pre-condition, the agreement of a broad range of community interests to make such a commitment of staff, facility, and fiscal resources. In the case of Fresno, these interest groups included potential students, their parents, and a local business community supportive of a narrowly “practical” education. Contrary to the contention of Radcliff and others that early junior college proponents were concerned with educational equity and social justice, the Fresno report provides no evidence to support this position. Parents, for example, were perceived by the report’s authors as concerned primarily by the moral risks to which their children would have been exposed by attendance at a distant university, to which a proximate junior college represented a viable alternative. In the case of students, the report offers no clear reason as to why they would have preferred attendance at a local junior college, but the report’s authors were apparently aware that some students, while facing no financial or familial barriers to relocation, nevertheless would continue their education only if they were not required to relocate. Similarly, the report fails to explain why a “practical” education might enjoy particular support within the Fresno community, although, based on similar reports published by other school districts, one can speculate that small businesses within Fresno’s emerging service sector may have regarded such collegiate divisions as a means to secure a steady supply of adequately prepared employees schooled at public expense. Importantly, despite assertions made in secondary sources, such primary sources as this report provide no evidence that early junior college advocates were at all concerned with the goal of social equity or sought to use this institution to divert otherwise able, but socially marginalized students away from the baccalaureate and the economic and social advantages attached to it. Indeed, given that the vast majority of high school graduates of this era were from economically affluent families, neither argument appears to rest on a sound factual footing.

 

The 1916 report’s second point of historical interest is its timing. Based on McClaine’s report, we are led to believe that the Fresno district established a “junior college” in 1910. Given the community’s increasing importance as a distribution and service center in California’s prosperous, agriculturally-based Central Valley, a proximate college, of whatever sort, would have been an appropriate civic goal for such an aspiring community. Such an addition to the school system would not only strengthen the skills of the local employment base but serve as evidence to the “right” kind of families seeking to relocate to the region that Fresno was a more enlightened and progressive community than its neighbors, who as yet did not offer a comparable extent of proximate educational opportunity.

 

If, however, one accepts that Fresno’s school system opened a junior college in 1910 as it announced, it would seem reasonable to expect that the school district would no longer need to justify this action some six years later. Rather, one would expect that, by 1916, it would use its annual report to provide detailed evidence of the program’s most notable attainments. Instead, the reader is provided with a minimal, and at times seemingly confused, amount of just such information. Consider the report’s third paragraph. Even such basic facts as the length of the division’s program and the number of students who had successfully completed their studies is nothing short of confused. Somewhere between five and eight students appear to have graduated from a single year program and then transferred to unnamed senior colleges. At the same time, the number completing a two year program is given as either two or ten. Further, no attempt is made to categorize the collegiate division’s students by age, gender, or major field of study, nor on their success in achieving their academic goals upon transfer. And while seemingly a small point, the 1916 report’s opening argument that a locally-based program is inherently more “practical” than any program offered by a distant university, makes no mention of either the agricultural or teacher education programs specifically promised in the 1910 announcement. The reader is left to wonder whether various unnamed factors had turned the junior college described in 1910 into the far different collegiate division reflected in the 1916 report. Could it be that the district had as yet failed to win over important civic interests in support of its curricular extension, and used the 1916 not as a report of the program’s status as much as an opportunity to restate its case for the program?

 

If the Fresno collegiate division had yet to gain broad local support by 1916, as seems the case, additional research in the primary sources of the school district is clearly called for if we are to understand why the Fresno district’s foray into collegiate-level coursework failed to secure it place after some six years. One possibility specific to the situation in California’s Central Valley, is that there may have yet remained some in the Fresno community who harbored a desire to establish or attract a “real” college to their city, and had no intention of undermining their community’s competitive position should such an opportunity present itself. While the documentary evidence requires further examination, a chronology of events surrounding the development of higher education in California does suggest that the state’s oldest private college, the University of the Pacific, was on the verge of relocating from San Jose to the Central Valley at this time. Although it eventually chose to move from San Jose to Stockton in 1923, in 1916 there would have remained the possibility that Fresno could have bested Stockton in a competition for Pacific and, in the process, acquired a “real” college and the civic prestige that followed, while avoiding the substantial increase in property taxes that came with a public junior college. 

 

That local advocates of a junior college for Fresno may have been more concerned with answering those who favored a more traditional college is reinforced by the fact that the report’s authors used virtually their entire report to emphasize those advantages offered by a local junior college, rather than provide a status report of the school district’s “collegiate division.” Consider, for example, the report’s contention that the collegiate division benefited, albeit indirectly, the entire district’s curriculum because the collegiate division’s courses were primarily taught by department heads. Typically, these teachers -- assumed by the report’s authors to be the most experienced and best prepared of district faculty -- would then be better equipped by their experience with advanced students for their work with students in the lower grades. Similarly, we are told that the collegiate division required an expansion of the library and additional science laboratories – both of which would then be available to all students. These are interesting points, although the second did not require the addition of the collegiate division, only a board decision to expend the funds needed for the improvements.  But a close reading of the Fresno document raises some unavoidable concerns as to the validity of this entire cluster of arguments. First, if we accept that Fresno’s junior college opened in 1910 in conjunction with the most favorable reading of the report’s third paragraph, at no point in its six years would Fresno’s collegiate division have likely enrolled more than five or six students at any given time. Unless these students were co-mingled with juniors and seniors in the same classes, differentiated only by being assigned more challenging material (a strategy then frequently employed in the small towns of Iowa and Oklahoma to lessen the direct cost of their small junior colleges), it seems it would have been far more advantageous to the greatest number of students if these teachers were assigned exclusively to the district’s high school program. In so doing, the district would have employed its most pedagogically skilled faculty to motivate a greater percentage of its high school students to persist in school at least through the attainment of the diploma.[i]

 

A second reason advanced in support of the Fresno collegiate division focused on an aspect of formal schooling that is no longer consider particularly relevant. The report clearly views one of the strongest rationales for the collegiate division to be the proper moral development of the district’s graduates. The report’s authors, aware that many high school graduates at this time were only 16, assumed that the risk of university enrollment immediately after high school completion was simply too great for their morally conservative parents to consider. In the view of these authors, attending Fresno’s collegiate division for even a single year beyond high school graduation gave these parents additional time to oversee their children’s moral development before sending them off to a distant university, possibly Stanford – with its notorious student shanty town – or to the University of California, located immediately adjacent to the moral cesspool that was then Telegraph Hill.

 

In short, this section of Fresno’s 1916 annual school report seems far more of an apologia for a prospective junior college than an assessment of the progress and pitfalls of an established, six-year old department. Not only is the data provided on student performance minimal, failing to provide even the number of students enrolled and graduated by year or the outcome of their subsequent transfer, it completely ignores the cost, both direct and indirect, of operating a college department for a relative handful of students. The report’s authors appear unconcerned that expenditures on a small collegiate division might have been more effectively used to meet the costs of other programs and services of direct benefit to the far larger number of high school students.

 

Yet, of even greater value, is the light the document sheds on certain historiographical issues, especially as they pertain to the validity of certain “settled questions” with respect to early junior college history. In the case of Fresno, it is widely assumed that the district’s junior college began operation in 1910. No less a source than Koos affirms this view. But the tone and content of the district’s 1916 report on the status argues for a more thorough examination of additional primary sources to confirm the opening date of Fresno’s junior college as a structured, separate and distinct program of collegiate studies leading to some form of formal recognition. Contrasting the 1910 statement with the 1916 report (where, for example, the first envisions a separate administrative unit within the district organization, while the latter refers to the collegiate division as the “fifth and sixth year” of its secondary program – an apparent retreat from the autonomy of the unit envisioned by the 1910 statement), suggests the strong possibility that junior college historians have been too willing to accept at face value the statements found in such secondary sources as Koos without also verifying these assertions through a review of the available primary sources. In the case of Joliet, for example, we know from the articles of Adams, J. Stanley Brown’s assistant, that neither Brown nor any member of his staff or faculty ever once employed the phrase “junior college” within the Joliet community prior to Brown’s departure for the presidency of Northern Illinois Normal in 1913. Brown’s reluctance to use this phrase, or to allow its use by others, may have had nothing to do with academic issues, but everything to do with local politics and tax rates. If we are to believe Adams, Brown was concerned that Joliet’s taxpayers would rebel against paying a higher local rate for a collegiate program at a time when many voters still regarded as programs as a state, not local, responsibility. The view that higher education was a state responsibility may well have also been present in Fresno, and even after six years those holding this position may yet not been won over. It is possible, as will be discussed in more detail below, that such school districts as Joliet, Goshen and Fresno did not move quickly in response to some strong local advocacy to establish and expand their junior colleges. Rather, they may have required two or three years to resolve various policy conflicts (such as the charging of tuition or securing university acceptance of the credits they awarded with the need for further testing by the university). Nor was the resolution of these conflicts consistent across districts, or entirely within the hands of the school districts. Goshen, for example, chose to charge tuition of even its in-district students – a decision that likely reduced opposition to the junior college from among local taxpayers, which nevertheless contributed to its short life. By 1913, a Mennonite college, charging approximately the same tuition, had opened near Goshen. Given the large Mennonite community in and around Goshen, this college not only enjoyed a large, natural base of support, but it also undermined local support for a tax-payer supported public junior college in Goshen. By 1914, there is no evidence that Goshen’s public junior college was still in operation, and the superintendent that had been among its chief advocates had resigned. In contrast, the Fresno district announced in 1910 that it would not charge in-district students tuition, but that it would impose tuition on out-of-district students -- despite the fact that tuition of any sort was clearly unconstitutional in California. Had, as in the case of Goshen, out-of-district students had the choice to attend a proximate college rather than the Fresno collegiate division, the Fresno experiment would likely have failed as well. But when the University of Pacific decided to re-locate to Stockton, in the absence of a proximate alternative Fresno’s junior college began to grow without the threat of competition. In summary, historians with an interest in the junior college and its early development must cease to rely all but exclusively upon such secondary sources as the writings of Koos and Eells, as if they were free of error or significant omissions, and return to the practice of what Himmelfarb terms “old history.” This would require scholars to base their arguments first and foremost upon primary sources, (for example, some record that students actually withdrew from Goshen’s public junior college to attend the Mennonite college or receipts for tuition paid by out-of-district students in Fresno) despite the difficulty for the practicing historian in locating and validating such sources.

 

A second historiographical point of interest is the presumption of many historians of a rather simplistic view of the shape and direction of institutional development with respect to the junior college. As found in Wattenbarger, the history of the junior college is characterized as a straight-forward tale of steady growth and increasing acceptance by the larger academic community. A comparison of the two Fresno documents, however, casts doubt on this assumption that warrants further inquiry. It would appear, in the case of the Fresno district, that what was initially presented as a separate and distinct organizational entity was downgraded into a component of the district’s secondary program. One finds in 1916, for example, that the collegiate division is characterized as the “fifth and sixth year of the High School.” Moreover, its faculty has not yet been separated from the high school’s, nor does it appear to operate under the supervision of its own administrative staff. The situation in Fresno at this point would seem to have more in common with the current practice in which high school faculty teach college-level advanced placement courses, than the practice of the 1920s and 30s, when, through the influence of accreditation standards and the adoption of state enabling legislation, junior colleges would begin to operate with greater autonomy within their sponsoring school districts.

In time, a distinct Fresno Junior College would emerge, although when this occurred is not yet clear. Indeed, what the currently available evidence suggests is that the evolution of the early experiments with high school-based collegiate education did not always follow a simple path of steady, unopposed growth. Many, such as Goshen’s junior college, experienced reversals of fortune and even failed to survive for more than 10 years. It appears that some closed because they were simply too expensive for local taxpayers to bear, while others simply failed to attract a sufficient number of students to be cost effective. It will be through the analysis of primary sources, often found only in small local libraries, that will enable us to explain the reason not only for these failures, but why other junior colleges, operating under approximately the same conditions, thrived.

Document

 

ANNUAL REPORT FRESNO PUBLIC SCHOOLS            39

 

      Certain advantages are recognized as the outgrowth of the extension of the course to include six years.[1] By bringing education closer the people and closer to local needs it is possible to make the instruction more practical. Since the instruction in the fifth and sixth years is all of college grade a superior quality of instruction is required. The teachers doing this work are usually heads of departments. Most of them teach classes below the fifth year and accordingly the work of the lower years of the High School is strengthened. A larger and better library and equipment of apparatus are required for the enlarged High School curriculum, and this library and apparatus is available for use in all departments of the High School and as a consequence the work of the lower years of the High School are strengthened.

      The chief gain is that of bringing to the pupils the advantages the first two years of college work that they otherwise either could or would not leave home to secure. A large number are attending fifth and sixth years of the High School who otherwise could not be in school if they were required to leave home to attend a University.

      Of the graduates of the four year High School course between a third and one-half undertake college work and more than twice as many attend the Collegiate Division of the High School as attend Universities.

      Five entered Colleges or Universities with advanced standing after having completed one year only of the Collegiate Division, and ten after having completed the two years of the Collegiate Division. Eight entered other educational institutions after having completed a year only of the Collegiate Division, and two others after having unpleted both years of the course.

By bringing higher education to the pupils they are given the added benefit of a continuation of their home life. The period of parental advice and guardianship is continued longer and added protection is given to the morals of the young at an age when it is not always hest for them to be cast adrift in a big University environment without such protection.

The courses offered in the Collegiate Division are two years each of Latin, English, German, French, and one year each of modern European history, industrial and institutional history, economics, physics, analytical chemistry, organic chemistry, psychology, sociology, plane and spherical trigonometry, surveying, analytical geometry, descriptive geometry, calculus, lettering, and biology.

 

 

Contributor: R. P. Pedersen

 

Last Updated: November 18, 2006

 

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[1]  Note that the collegiate division is described in such a manner that this two-year program is viewed as an extension of the standard four-year high school curriculum, and not as a separate curricular unit of collegiate status. This is consistent with California’s long tradition of regarding the junior college as an integral part of secondary education, governed by legislations intended for its high schools, and not a component of higher education.



[i] (In Philadelphia, at roughly this same time, that city’s school commissioners employed this very argument to reject repeated faculty proposals to add a junior college to what was, at the time, the nation’s second largest school district and one of its most prominent high schools. Instead of establishing a junior college, the school commissioners increased the number of Philadelphia’s high schools from one to four, relying upon local private colleges to serve any high school graduates who aspired to the baccalaureate.) In the case of Fresno, given the apparently very small number of program completers, it seems only reasonable to question if the greater good might have been served if the school district’s strongest teachers had been assigned to the sophomore or junior years of high school, a period when student attrition was especially high, and possibly used their skills to inspire more young people to complete their high school diploma and to then consider the possibility of some form of advanced education at the University of the Pacific in Stockton, one of the state’s normal schools, or at UC Berkeley or Stanford. Much as happens today with advanced placement assignments, one cannot help but suspect that the district’s department heads used their positions of authority to garner to themselves the “best” students, even if only a few in number, while leaving the bulk of students to study under weaker, less experienced faculty.